Image

Jeffrey David Sachs’ Trump Just Made A BIG MISTAKE And No One Is Ready

Daily Update News Hub

Jeffrey David Sachs’ Trump Just Made A BIG MISTAKE And No One Is Ready

What happens when the most powerful office in the world makes a decision without foresight, without strategy, and without an understanding of the consequences?**

That is precisely what we are witnessing today. President Trump has made a mistake so significant and reckless that few are truly prepared for the cascading effects it will unleash, not only on America but on the fragile balance of global politics. This critical miscalculation transcends another entry in the long list of controversies that have defined his political career; it is a blunder with implications that extend beyond partisan divides and domestic skirmishes. The danger lies not only in the policy itself but in the mindset behind it—a reckless disregard for foresight, measured strategy, and the lessons of history.

We must ask ourselves: how often can the world absorb the shocks of ill-conceived decisions by a superpower before the system begins to crack? This question is no longer theoretical; it unfolds before our very eyes. The essence of leadership is the ability to anticipate consequences. Great leaders study history, listen to advisers, weigh risks, and prepare for outcomes that may not be immediately visible. In this case, Trump has once again substituted strategy with spectacle. His decision, framed as a demonstration of strength, is, in reality, a profound miscalculation that exposes the United States to risks it cannot afford. By prioritizing headlines over substance and bravado over strategy, he has chosen a path that weakens rather than strengthens America’s global standing.

When the United States falters, the world feels it. Consider the architecture of global stability; it rests on assumptions that America, while imperfect, acts with a degree of predictability, weighs its choices carefully, and recognizes its responsibilities as the world’s most powerful nation. Trump’s action shatters those assumptions. Suddenly, allies question the reliability of U.S. commitments, adversaries sense an opening, and international institutions struggle to maintain coherence in the face of erratic American behavior. The ripple effects of such a misstep are profound; once the perception of American steadiness is lost, the very foundations of global cooperation begin to erode. This mistake is symptomatic of broader patterns that conflate domestic political theater with global strategy.

Trump, ever the showman, treats foreign policy as if it were an extension of campaign rallies, seeking applause lines instead of long-term stability. The world is not an arena for performance politics. When decisions are made on impulse without calculation, the consequences are paid in fractured alliances, lost economic opportunities, and, in some cases, needless conflict. The real tragedy is that these costs are not borne by the architects of the mistakes but by ordinary citizens who see jobs lost, prices rise, and security diminished.

Consider also the psychological impact of this blunder. Nations across the globe constantly read signals from Washington, adjusting their policies based on what they perceive to be America’s direction. A sudden, reckless move is not just a tactical error; it is a signal, a declaration that the U.S. is no longer guided by strategy but whim. This breeds uncertainty, and in international relations, uncertainty is dangerous. It prompts nations to hedge, to reorient toward other powers, and to invest in alternative partnerships that dilute America’s influence. Each rash decision does not just harm America in the present; it accelerates the long-term decline of U.S. leadership. History offers sobering reminders: great powers rarely fall in a single dramatic collapse. They decline slowly through a series of mistakes, miscalculations, and squandered opportunities.

Trump’s critical error today may well be remembered as one of those pivotal moments—a decision signifying the weakening of American leadership, not because the U.S. lacked power, but because it lacked wisdom. Wisdom is the true currency of leadership. Without it, even the most powerful nations can find themselves adrift. The uncomfortable truth is that this was avoidable. The United States did not have to walk into this trap of its own making; there were other paths available, rooted in diplomacy, consultation, and prudence. Instead, the choice was made to elevate short-term gain over long-term stability. Once such a precedent is set, it becomes harder to reverse and harder to convince the world that the United States can again be trusted to act with restraint and foresight.

We must treat this miscalculation with the seriousness it deserves. It is not merely another passing storm in Washington’s political theater; it is a turning point, a warning flare that tells us the guardrails of strategy have been abandoned. Unless those guardrails are restored, this mistake will not stand alone. It will be followed by others, each more costly and more destabilizing, until the world wakes up to a new reality where America’s role as a global anchor is no longer taken for granted. America’s global credibility has always been its most valuable asset. It is not simply the size of the economy nor the might of the military that has given the United States influence across continents; it is the perception built carefully over decades that America could be trusted to stand by its commitments, to provide stability when others faltered, and to lead when the stakes were high.

That credibility was earned slowly and painfully through wars fought, treaties negotiated, and international institutions shaped. But credibility, unlike material power, is fragile. It vanishes quickly when trust is broken, and rebuilding it often takes generations. President Trump’s miscalculation strikes at the heart of that credibility, sending a message to allies and adversaries alike that the United States may no longer be the reliable partner it once was.

The importance of credibility in global politics cannot be overstated. Nations act not only based on capabilities but also on the belief that promises will be honored, that commitments are more than just words on paper. The NATO alliance, for instance, is not just a military arrangement; it is a bond of trust that each member will come to the defense of the other. International trade agreements are not merely about tariffs and quotas; they are assurances that rules will be respected. If that trust erodes, the entire system begins to fray. Once allies begin to doubt America’s word, they do not simply wait patiently for Washington to correct course; they seek alternatives. They hedge their bets with new partnerships and strengthen ties with other powers. Slowly, the gravitational pull of U.S. leadership weakens.

We are already witnessing signs of this shift. European leaders, once willing to follow Washington’s lead, are openly questioning whether the United States can be relied upon. They are now speaking more frequently of strategic autonomy, building defense and trade frameworks that do not depend on American approval. In Asia, where the U.S. once anchored stability, nations are recalibrating their diplomacy, turning to China not because they prefer Beijing’s leadership, but because they cannot afford to place all their trust in an America that seems increasingly erratic. Latin American nations, long accustomed to Washington’s dominance, are diversifying their partnerships, accepting Chinese investments and Russian arms deals not out of ideological affinity but out of pragmatic necessity.

The erosion of credibility is not a theoretical concern; it is a reality unfolding day by day. When allies begin to question the reliability of the U.S., they start to act accordingly, rewriting defense strategies, recalibrating economic deals, and redirecting diplomatic channels toward other centers of power. The danger is compounded by the fact that credibility cannot be manufactured on demand. Once trust is broken, it must be painstakingly rebuilt, often over generations. This erosion was not inevitable; it is the result of deliberate choices prioritizing short-term political spectacle over long-term credibility.

Trump may view his decisions as victories in the domestic arena, but internationally they register as warning signs—evidence that the United States no longer values reliability. The world is taking note. Once the perception solidifies, the costs will be staggering. The long-term implications of this cycle of distrust and instability could redefine America’s place in the world for decades to come, leaving the nation weaker, more isolated, and less capable of shaping the global future.

The need for course correction is not abstract or optional. It is urgent. The danger lies not only in the immediate consequences of Trump’s decision but in the precedent it sets—a normalization of recklessness at the highest levels of power. This approach will invite even greater mistakes, each compounding the last until the damage becomes irreversible. The responsibility falls not only on Trump but on institutions, policymakers, and citizens who must demand accountability and insist on a return to wisdom, strategy, and cooperation.

A course correction begins with recognizing the depth of the mistake. Too often, leaders cling to denial, hoping that time will soften criticism or that public attention will shift elsewhere. But denial is perilous in a world that reacts instantly. Markets do not wait, rivals do not wait, and allies do not wait. Every day of hesitation amplifies uncertainty, and uncertainty erodes stability. The first step of course correction is honesty. Acknowledging that this was not just another minor misstep but a significant failure that jeopardizes America’s credibility and global leadership is essential; without that acknowledgment, no genuine correction can begin.

The second element of course correction is rebuilding a culture of consultation and strategy. One glaring feature of Trump’s leadership style is the rejection of expert advice and the sidelining of institutions designed to provide balance and foresight. Foreign policy thus becomes a stage for improvisation rather than a framework of careful calculation. Reversing this trend requires re-empowering diplomacy, listening to the expertise of career professionals, and reestablishing processes that weigh consequences before decisions are made.

Allies also play a crucial role in pressing for course correction. It is no longer enough for them to quietly express concern while adjusting their strategies in private. They must be clear that American unpredictability carries costs not only for them but for the United States itself. A strong message from European, Asian, and Latin American leaders that reliability matters and that commitments must be honored can help create external pressure that reinforces the internal need for change. This is not about humiliation; it is about preserving a global system that benefits all.

Domestically, course correction requires citizens and institutions to step beyond partisanship. The danger of Trump’s error is not limited to one party or ideology; it is systemic. If America becomes comfortable with impulsive leadership, accepting recklessness as the new normal, future leaders—regardless of party—will feel emboldened to follow the same path. The checks and balances of democracy exist to prevent this; however, they only function if they are activated. Congress, the courts, the media, and civil society must resist the temptation to normalize dangerous behavior, illuminating mistakes, and insisting on accountability.

Lastly, course correction means reasserting a vision of leadership rooted in cooperation rather than confrontation. The United States cannot navigate today’s challenges—climate change, pandemics, economic inequality, and technological disruption—through unilateralism. These are global problems requiring global solutions. Leadership in this century will be measured not by dominance but by the ability to build coalitions. Trump’s approach undermines precisely that capacity, alienating partners when cooperation is most urgent.

Above all, urgency must replace complacency. The idea that mistakes can be corrected eventually is itself a dangerous illusion. In international politics, time is not neutral; it compounds risk. Rivals consolidate their advantages, allies drift further away, and citizens lose faith in institutions. By the time leaders recognize the full cost of their actions, it is often too late. Therefore, course correction must begin immediately—not tomorrow, not after the next election cycle, but now. Every delay increases the cost of repair, and every day of silence deepens complicity.

The warning we face is clear: America is at a crossroads where the path of recklessness leads to decline. The path of responsibility offers the possibility of renewal. Trump’s mistake has illuminated the stakes, stripping away the illusion that the system can absorb endless shocks without consequence. The world is watching, waiting to see whether the United States will acknowledge its errors and adjust its course, or whether it will continue down a path of arrogance and isolation. History, as always, will deliver its judgment.

Image

It Is A Tragic Mistake

U. S. statesman doubtful about wisdom of NATO expansion

By Thomas L Frledman

His voice is a bit frail now, but the mind, even at age 94, is as sharp as ever. So when I reached George Kennan by phone to get his reaction to the Senate’s ratification of NATO expansion, it was no surprise to find that the man who was the architect of America’s successful containment of the Soviet Union and one of the great American statesmen of the 20th century was ready with an answer.

“I think it is the beginning of a new Cold War,” Kennan said from his Princeton home. “I think the Russians will gradually react quite adversely, and it will affect their policies. I think it is a tragic mistake. There was no reason for this whatsoever. No one was threatening anybody else. This expansion would make the Founding Fathers of this country turn over in their graves. We have signed up to protect a whole series of countries, even though we have neither the resources nor the intention to do so in any serious way.

(NATO expansion) was simply a light- hearted action by a Senate that has no real interest in foreign affairs.” “What bothers me is how superficial and ill informed the whole Senate debate was,” added Kennan, who was present at the creation of the North Atlantic Treaty Organization and whose anonymous 1947 article in the journal Foreign Affairs, signed “X,” defined America’s Cold War containment policy for 40 years.

“I was particularly bothered by the references to Russia as a country dying to attack Western Europe. Don’t people understand? Our differences in the Cold War were with the Soviet Communist regime. And now we are turning our backs on the very people who mounted the greatest bloodless revolution in history to remove that Soviet regime.” “And Russia’s democracy is as far advanced, if not farther, as any of these countries we’ve just signed up to defend from Russia,” said Kennan, who joined the State Department in 1926 and was ambassador to Moscow in 1952.

“It shows so little understanding of Russian history and Soviet history. Of course there is going to be a bad reaction from Russia, and then (the NATO expanders) will say that we always told you that is how the Russians are but this is just wrong.” say. If we are lucky, they will say NATO expansion to Poland, Hungary and the Czech Republic simply didn’t matter, because the vacuum it was supposed to fill had already been filled, only the Clinton team couldn’t see it.

They will say the forces of globalization integrating Europe, coupled with the new arms control agreements, proved to be so powerful that Russia, despite NATO expansion, moved ahead with democratization and Westernization, and was gradually drawn into a loosely unified Europe. If we are unlucky, they will say, as Kennan predicts, that NATO expansion set up a situation in which NATO has to either expand all the way to Russia’s border, triggering a new Cold War, or stop expanding after these three new countries and create a new dividing line through Europe.

But there is one thing future historians will surely remark upon, and that is the utter poverty of imagination that characterized U. S. foreign policy in the late1990s.

They will note that one of the seminal events of this century took place between1989 and 1992 – the collapse of the Soviet empire, which had the capability, imperial intentions and ideology to truly threaten the entire free world.

Thanks to Western resolve and the courage of Russian democrats, that Soviet empire collapsed without a shot, spawning a democratic Russia, setting free the former Soviet republics and leading to unprecedented arms-control agreements with the United States. And what was America’s response? It was to expand the NATO Cold War alliance against Russia and bring it closer to Russia’s borders. Yes, tell your children, and your children’s children, that you lived in the age of Bill Clinton and William Cohen, the age of Madeleine Albright and Sandy Berger, the age of Trent Lott and Joe Lieberman, and you, too, were present at the creation of the post-Cold War order, when these foreign-policy Titans put their heads together and produced… a mouse. We are in the age of midgets.

The only good news is that we got here in one piece because there was another age – one of great statesmen who had both imagination and courage. As he said goodbye, Kennan added just one more thing: “This has been my life, and it pains me to see it so screwed up in the end.”

Thomas L. Friedman – is a columnist for the New York Times

Image

The Persecution of Francesca Albanese

The sanctioning by the Trump administration of Francesca Albanese, the United Nations Special Rapporteur, is an ominous harbinger of the end of the rule of international law.

CHRIS HEDGES

United Nations (UN) Special Rapporteur on the occupied Palestinian territories Francesca Albanese holds a press conference in Geneva on December 11, 2024. (Photo by Fabrice Coffrini / AFP via Getty Images)

When the history of the genocide in Gaza is written, one of the most courageous and outspoken champions for justice and the adherence to international law will be Francesca Albanese, the United Nations Special Rapporteur, who today the Trump administration is sanctioning. Her office is tasked with monitoring and reporting on human rights violations that Israel commits against Palestinians.

Albanese, who regularly receives death threats and endures well-orchestrated smear campaigns directed by Israel and its allies, valiantly seeks to hold those who support and sustain the genocide accountable. She lambasts what she calls “the moral and political corruption of the world” that allows the genocide to continue. Her office has issued detailed reports documenting war crimes in Gaza and the West Bank, one of which, called “Genocide as colonial erasure,” I have reprinted as an appendix in my latest book, “A Genocide Foretold.”

She has informed private organizations that they are “criminally liable” for assisting Israel in carrying out the genocide in Gaza. She announced that if true, as has been reported, that the former British prime minister David Cameron threatened to defund and withdraw from the International Criminal Court (ICC) after it issued arrest warrants for Israeli Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu and former defense minister Yoav Gallant, which Cameron and the other former British prime minister Rishi Sunak could be charged with a criminal offense for, under the Rome Statue. The Rome Statue criminalizes those who seek to prevent war crimes from being prosecuted.

She has called on top European Union (EU) officials to face charges of complicity of war crimes over their support for the genocide, saying that their actions cannot be met with impunity. She was a champion of the Madleen flotilla that sought to break the blockade of Gaza and deliver humanitarian aid, writing that the boat which was intercepted by Israel, was carrying not only supplies, but a message of humanity.

You can see the interview I did with Albanese here.



Her latest report lists 48 corporations and institutions, including Palantir Technologies Inc., Lockheed Martin, Alphabet Inc. (Google), Amazon, International Business Machine Corporation (IBM), Caterpillar Inc., Microsoft Corporation and Massachusetts Institute of Technology (MIT), along with banks and financial firms such as BlackRock, insurers, real estate firms and charities, which in violation of international law, are making billions from the occupation and the genocide of Palestinians.

You can read my article on Albanese’s most recent report here.

Secretary of State Marco Rubio condemned her support for the ICC, four of whose judges have been sanctioned by the U.S. for issuing arrest warrants for Netanyahu and Gallant last year. He criticized Albanese for her efforts to prosecute American or Israeli nationals who sustain the genocide, saying she is unfit for service as a special rapporteur. Rubio also accused Albanese of having “spewed unabashed antisemitism, expressed support for terrorism, and open contempt for the United States, Israel, and the West.” The sanctions will most likely prevent Albanese from travelling to the U.S. and will freeze any assets she may have in the country.

The attack against Albanese presages a world without rules, one where rogue states, such as the U.S. and Israel, are permitted to carry out war crimes and genocide without any accountability or restraint. It exposes the subterfuges we use to fool ourselves and attempt to fool others. It reveals our hypocrisy, cruelty and racism. No one, from now on, will take seriously our stated commitments to democracy, freedom of expression, the rule of law or human rights. And who can blame them? We speak exclusively in the language of force, the language of brutes, the language of mass slaughter, the language of genocide.

“The acts of killing, the mass killing, the infliction of psychological and physical torture, the devastation, the creation of conditions of life that would not allow the people in Gaza to live, from the destruction of hospitals, the mass forced displacement and the mass homelessness, while people were being bombed daily, and the starvation — how can we read these acts in isolation?” Albanese asked in an interview I did with her when we discussed her report, “Genocide as colonial erasure.”

The militarized drones, helicopter gunships, walls and barriers, checkpoints, coils of concertina wire, watchtowers, detention centers, deportations, brutality and torture, denial of entry visas, apartheidesque existence that comes with being undocumented, loss of individual rights and electronic surveillance, are as familiar to desperate migrants along the Mexican border, or attempting to enter Europe, as they are to Palestinians.

This is what awaits those who Frantz Fanon calls “the wretched of the earth.”

Those that defend the oppressed, such as Albanese, will be treated like the oppressed